Republican Senators Richard Burr, Tom Coburn and Orrin Hatch released “The Patient Choice, Affordability, Responsibility, and Empowerment Act” today. I am going to call it PCARE. A few quick thoughts/highlights:
- It acknowledges gravity, while making changes. While PCARE talks of repeal of the ACA, it locks in a good deal of the structure of the ACA, and addresses changes from that new status quo. For example, no lifetime limits (sec 201) is retained from the ACA, as is keeping people up to 26 on their parents health insurance, while the current 3-to-1 age banding premium regulation is replaced with 5-to-1 (now a 64 year old could not be charged more than 3 times what a 20 something could be charged;now they could be charged 5 times as much). Winner 20-somethings, loser 60-somethings. Eventually they say they plan to allow States to set these rules with a looser federal touch, meaning a state could decide to stick with the 3-to-1 premium banding by age, for example. I want to hear more about guaranteed renewability and related insurance market regulations as the 2nd full paragraph of page 2 is a bit slippery. For example, it contains this quote: “Insurance companies would also be banned from making unfair coverage terminations of health coverage.” (emphasis mine). What might “fair” ones be?
- Continuous coverage provisions could provide lots of incentive for people to sign up. Section 202 seeks (I think) to replace the ban on pre-existing conditions as a forever standard with an “everyone has a chance to come in once” and then continuous coverage provides you with protection once you do so. This is more along some of the earlier individual mandate logic of responsibility.
- Subsidies to buy private insurance (or health care directly) are pared back to 300% of poverty level. Down from the 400% of poverty max in the ACA, and the credit could be used to pay directly for health care under PCARE. They have dropped the Patients’ Choice Act flat tax credit for singles and families and gone to an age banded structure, with the table below being for those at 200% of poverty.
Duke’s employer sponsored plan costs about $1,450 per month, so the tax credit for my age ($6,600) is less than half of that. At my income there would be no subsidy (as with the ACA), but the no subsidy level now will be around $35,000 for singles, and $65,000 for families. These credits will finance catastrophic levels of coverage compared to what most now have, but of course advocating catastrophic coverage with people paying more is a policy approach. Lets see if they own up to what this will purchase. I would love to see a comparison of OOP and premiums of what these subsidies will finance as compared to the ACA. However, this could mute some of the incentive to move out of employer sponsored coverage to exchanges that tax treatment of ESI changes proposed will kick off (see below). [update: a data driven comparison really is needed; Larry Levitt via twitter was pointing out many details will have to be clarified to allow this].
- Default enrollment. Section 204 allows states to default enroll people “who have a health tax credit but who fail to make an affirmative choice in choosing a plan within a specified time frame.” People defaulted into plans could change, or affirmatively choose to go uninsured. I think the default/auto enroll is a good idea. I have proposed that North Carolina do this using Section 1331 of the ACA (Basic Health Plan) and a Medicaid expansion waiver.
- Transition to capped Medicaid amounts given to States. The Medicaid section (301, p. 5-6) covers lots of complicated territory and many more details are needed. However, I am going to grant the benefit of the doubt and say lets talk more about this. The parts of what they write that I like include acknowledging the distinct “sub programs” within Medicaid and the fact that they are not the same and do not have the same needs. The part I like the least is that for the dual eligibles and the disabled, the acute care financing stays the same, while providing a capped amount for the long term care costs of such persons to be given to the States, with the States retaining the responsibility for the remainder of the long term care. This locks in the two-payers problem with these sickest people in the nation, while shifting LTC burden to states. I am willing to listen here, but would rather Medicare federalize the acute care side of the duals if they want to shift LTC responsibility to states (there is lots of policy in that last sentence, I will clarify later).
- Medical Malpractice reform. This is not a great place for federal intervention, and that has always been a problem for Republicans. However, their writing about it puts back in play a piece that has always been one of the political stepping stones to a health reform deal (I wrote this in 2009). The latest issue of Health Affairs has lots on Medical Malpractice, an issue that went nearly completely away for several years, which was a sign Republicans didn’t want a deal. It coming back means some of them want one. I included Medical Malpractice and patient safety (two sides of the same coin) in my white paper on N.C. Health Reform that I put out two weeks ago. Most of the action here will be state level.
- Title VIII of PCA is dead. This makes me sad.What a strange chapter of health reform was the appearance of unelected boards in a Republican bill one month before the first version of HR3200 was passed out of the Commerce committee, and then unelected boards became such a rallying cry for Republican opposition to the ACA. It was also hilarious how none of the sponsors would own up to it being their idea, but I digress.
- Cap the tax exclusion of ESI at 65% of an average plan’s costs and grow at CPI+1%. Sign me up; let’s replace the caddy tax in the ACA with this. I’ve written about this over and over. Keep in mind that this will be quite dislocating for employer sponsored health insurance. That is where I want to go down the road, but 3-5 Million people with cancelled indy policies just about ground health reform to a halt in November/December with an assist from a screwed up website. 165 Million people have employer sponsored health insurance, most of them have no idea that get tax free income from it, but all of them will be sure that they deserve it, once they find out they are going to lose some of it.
- Sponsors/Politics. Interestingly, Bur and Coburn lost Paul Ryan and Devin Nunes in the House as co-sponsors (these 4 co-sponsored the Patients’ Choice Act). Burr and Coburn introduced the Seniors Choice Act in 2012, and those Medicare-specific reforms are not contained in today’s-released PCARE. Do they still support Seniors Choice Act? Senator Hatch last year introduced his own bill with a mix of things (his Medicaid ideas seem to have come through most clearly in PCARE). My political analysis goes two ways on this. First, if members of the House co-sponsor then people like me say mark up the bill and get a CBO score since they control the House, and they don’t want to do that (and Dems aren’t going to mark this in the Senate). It is a definite advantage to have a plan that is not subjected to such scrutiny. At the same time, when there is a deal someday, it seems almost certain to pop out of the Senate, just like the fiscal cliff deal did. Not sure when that will be, but this is a step towards that day, and I welcome it.
cross posted on freeforall